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Demand for sex in Japan

Mentioning sex in a blog post is a great way to generate some interesting traffic.  The last time I filled some time writing about it (on the rise of public sexuality, the rationality of prostitution and the extent of human trafficking), I got hits via some very odd queries on Google.

Titillation aside,  prostitution is a tremendously interesting topic in economics .  As John Hempton discussed initially in July 2008 and more extensively in May 2009, the price of prostitution is enormously flexible, unlike prices (and wages) in most industries.  That means that when, as John discussed, a country is operating under a fixed exchange rate and only prices can adjust in response to a macroeconomic shock, the sex industry will almost certainly move both first and furthest.

But because prostitution has very flexible wages and prices, that also makes it a candidate proxy for estimating changes in the potential output of an economy — the output that would occur if all prices were perfectly flexible.  (Remember there are differences between potential and natural levels of output)

I mention this after reading that the Bank of Japan is conducting surveys to estimate changes in demand in the Japanese sex industry:

The survey of sex shops and restaurants was designed to better gauge demand for services, an area of the economy that’s becoming more important as exports slump. “Any study into services is most welcome,” said Martin Schulz, senior economist at Fujitsu Research Institute in Tokyo. “We’ve got hundreds of studies on exports and manufacturing. What’s needed is creative thinking on services and if that includes brothels, so be it.” … While services including restaurants and retailing make up about 60 percent of gross domestic product, Japan’s economy has risen and fallen with the strength of its exports.

(Hat tip:  Tyler Cowen).

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On China

Menzie Chinn emphasises that for the purposes of estimating country shares in global GDP, it is necessary to think of them in nominal terms.  On that basis, China is large, but only half the size of the Euro zone and well under half the size of America.  Therefore, he implies, an increase in demand from China won’t really contribute as much to global growth as people might be hoping.

Nevertheless, people do seem to be wondering about China as an engine of global growth in demand.  The reason is simple:  Despite a near catastrophic collapse in world trade, China’s economy is still growing while those of  other export-oriented countries like Japan or Germany are falling precipitously.

Clearly part of the reason for the continued Chinese growth, like in Australia, is the successful use of a fiscal stimulus to boost local demand (the Australian rebound was also helped by the fact that, by not manufacturing much, their decline in investment was offset by a fall in imports and (price) changes in natural resource exports occur with a significant lag).

Brad Setser has explored the Chinese stimulus a little.  He writes:

I initially underestimated the magnitude of China’s stimulus by focusing on the (fairly modest) change in the government’s fiscal balance. It is now clear that the majority of China’s stimulus has been off-budget: the huge increase in lending by state owned banks mattered far more than the change in the budget of the central government. The expected loss on these loans can be considered a form of fiscal stimulus.

Which is a fascinating way to conduct government business.