Currys/Dixons/PC World/Phones4U fail

It’s cold in London in mid December.  Today, as I ran in to university, it was 1 degree Celcius and there was a pretty lethal frost on the paths in the parks.  As I was running in, I remembered that the central heating in my office would be turned off (it’s a weekend and LSE likes to save money where it can), so I pulled the run up short at the big Currys/Dixons/PC World/Phones4U shop near Warren Street Underground Station so I could buy a little electric heater.  As it happens, I also wanted to get a USB-to-micro-USB cable for my phone and figured I could kill two birds with one stone.

Now, Curixorld4U (as I have affectionately decided to call them) bill themselves as something of an electrical superstore.  Clearly they don’t mean of the American style Big Box variety, but still … they want you to think of them as a supermarket for electrical goods.  It should be easy to find what I want, right?  Wrong.  Here’s what they had:

  • A Dyson heater for £6 million; and
  • A multi-use recharging cable with 375 different dongles to allow for every conceivable phone ever built for £14.

So I went over the road to Robert Dyas and bought a little electric heater for £12.  They didn’t have the cable I wanted, but as I was walking down to LSE, I passed by the ULU and they were hosting a computer fair today.  I popped in and got exactly the cable I wanted for £5.

Note to Curixorld4U:  I understand that selling me the things I was looking for is a low margin business, but surely that’s better than no business at all?  Besides … isn’t one of the benefits of convincing people that you’re a one-stop-shop that you can exploit their search costs to slap on a fierce mark-up?  Have you even heard of price discrimination?  It doesn’t work if you only offer one version of each thing, you know.  Wouldn’t you have been better off stocking the cable I wanted for £10 and the heater I wanted for £20, perhaps in home-brand-style “charity” packaging to make them seem functional-but-unappealing?  I still would have gasped a little at the prices, but I’m a lazy man.  I would have paid.

It’s not a fiscal union and Cameron didn’t veto it

A fiscal union would have transfers from various parts of the union to various other parts over the business cycle.  A guarantee to stand behind somebody’s debt while simultaneously insisting that you’ll never actually need to cough up a cent because you’ve made them pinky swear is not a fiscal union.

A veto stops a thing from happening (think of the UN Security Council).  The fiscal compact is going to go ahead, just without Britain.  Therefore, Britain did not veto it; they declined to take part.

That is all.

Update:

Okay, that isn’t quite all.  Just to be clear, I think that Cameron did the wrong thing.  I believe that, at a minimum, he should have committed to bringing the proposal to the UK parliament.  It may well have been voted down at that point, but nevertheless it should have happened.  Parliament is sovereign in the UK.  This was a serious proposal with potentially significant consequences from either agreeing to it or walking away from it; the people of Britain deserved to have their elected representatives decide.

I am undecided on whether signing up to the pact would be in the best interests of the UK.

Policy options for the Euro area [Updated]

I here list a few policy options for the Euro area that I support, broadly in descending order of my perception of their importance.  Everything here is predicated on an assumption that the Euro itself is to survive and that no member nation of the Euro area is to exit the union.  I don’t claim that this would solve the crisis — who would make such a claim? — but they would all be positive steps that increase the probability of an ultimate solution being found.

  • Immediately establish a single, Euro area-wide bank deposit guarantee scheme.  A single currency must absolutely ensure that a Euro held as money in Greece be the same as a Euro held as money in Germany.  That means that retail and commercial deposits in each should be backed by the same guarantee.  I have no firm opinion on how it should be funded.  The classic manner is through a fee on banks proportional to their deposits, but if Euro area countries ultimately prefer to use a Tobin-style tax on transactions, that’s up to them.  Just get the thing up and running.  Of course, a unified deposit guarantee also requires a unified resolution authority in the event of an insolvent bank collapsing.  There are many and varied forms that fiscal union can take; this is the most urgent of them all.  I am shocked that this does not already exist.
  • The ECB should switch from targetting current inflation to expected future inflation.  The Bank of England already does this.  Accepting that any effect of monetary policy on inflation will come through with a lag (or at least acknowledging that current inflation is backward looking), they “look through” current inflation to what they expect it to be over the coming few years.  This is important.  Current inflation in the Euro area — i.e. the rate of change over the last 12 months — is at 3%.  On the face of it, that might make an ECB policymaker nervous, but looking ahead, market forecasts for average inflation over the coming five years are as low as 0.85% per year in Germany.  They will be much lower for the rest of the Euro area.  Monetary policy in the Euro area is much, much too tight at the moment.  At the very least, (a) interest rates should be lowered; and (b) the ECB should announce their shift in focus toward forward inflation.
  • The ECB should start to speak more, publicly, about forms of current inflation that most affect future inflation.  This follows on from my previous point, but is still logically distinct.  The Fed likes to focus on “core” inflation, stripped of items with particularly volatile price movements.  I don’t much care whether it is non-volatile prices or nominal wages, or even nominal GDP.  I just want the ECB to be speaking more about something other than headline CPI, because it is those other things that feed into future headlines.
  • The ECB’s provision of liquidity to the banking system, while currently large, is not nearly large enough.  The fact that “German Bunds trade below the deposit facility rate at the ECB and well below the Overnight Rate” is clear evidence of this.  I currently have no opinion on whether this ought to be in the form of increasing the duration of loans to Euro area banks, relaxing the collateral requirements for loans or working with member countries’ treasuries to increase the provision of collateral.  I certainly believe (see my second point above) that interest rates should be lowered.  The point, as far as is possible, is to make replacing lost market funding with ECB funding more attractive to banks than deleveraging.
  • A great deal of Euro area sovereign debt is unsustainable; hair-cuts are inevitable and they should be imposed as soon as possible (but, really, this requires that a unified bank resolution authority be established first).  The argument for delaying relies on banks’ ability to first build up a cushion of capital through ongoing profitability.  When banks are instead deleveraging, the problem is made worse by waiting.
  • Credit Default Swaps must be permitted to trigger.  The crisis may have its origins in the the profligacy of wayward sovereigns (frankly, I think the origins lie in the Euro framers not appreciating the power of incentives), but the fundamental aspect of the crisis itself is that various financial assets, previously regarded as safe, are coming to be thought of as risky.  By denying market participants the opportunity to obtain insurance, Euro area policymakers are making the problem worse, not better.  Market willingness to lend to Greece in 2025 will in no way depend on how we label the decisions made in 2011 and 2012.
  • Every member of the Euro periphery should be in an IMF programme.  Yes, I’m looking at you, Italy.  If the IMF does not have sufficient funds to work with, the ECB should lend to it.  All politicians in Euro periphery countries should be speaking to their electorates about multi-decade efforts to improve productivity.  These things cannot be fixed in two or three years.  They can, at best, be put on the right path.
  • For every country in an IMF programme, all sovereign debt held by the ECB should be written down to the price at which they purchase it.   If the ECB buys a Greek government bond at, say, a 20% discount to face value, then that bond should be written down by 20%.  The ECB should not be in a position to make a profit from their trading if Europe finds its way through the overall crisis.  Similarly, the ECB should not be in a position to take a loss, either — they should not be required to take a hair-cut below the price they pay for Euro area sovereign debt.

Note that I have not yet used the phrase “Euro bond” anywhere.  Note, too, that a central bank is only meant to be a lender of last resort to banks.  The lender of last resort to governments is the IMF.

If Euro area policymakers really want to engage in a fiscal union (a.k.a. transfers) beyond the absolutely essential creation of a unified bank deposit guarantee scheme, it is perfectly possible to do so in a minimal fashion that does not lessen the sovereignty of any member nation:  Have a newly created European Fiscal Authority (with voluntary membership) provide the minimum universally agreed-on level of unemployment benefits across the entire area, funded with a flat VAT.  Any member country would retain the ability to provide benefits above and beyond the minimum.  This will have several benefits:

  • Since its membership would be voluntary and it would provide only the minimum universally agreed level, it cannot, by definition, constitute a practical infraction on sovereignty;
  • It will help provide pan-European automatic stabilisers in fiscal policy;
  • It will provide crucial intra-European stabilisation;
  • It will increase the supply of long-dated AAA-rated securities at a time when demand for them is incredibly high; and
  • It will decrease the ability of Euro member countries to argue that they should be able to violate the terms of the Maastricht Treaty at times of economic hardship as at least some of the heavy lifting in counter-cyclical policy will be done for them.

———————-

Update 30 Nov 2011, 13:05 (25 minutes after first publishing the post):

It would appear that the world’s major central banks have announced a coordinated improvement in the provision of liquidity to banks.  This is a good thing. Press releases:

On the limits of QE at the Zero Lower Bound

When engaging in Quantitative Easing (QE) at the Zero Lower Bound (ZLB), central banks face a trade-off: If they are successful in reducing interest rates on long-term, high-risk assets, they do so at the cost of lowering the profitability of financial intermediaries, making it more difficult for them to repair any balance sheet problems and rendering them more susceptible to future shocks, thereby increasing the fragility of the financial system.

The crisis of 2007/2008 and the present Euro-area difficulties may both be interpreted, from a policymaker’s viewpoint, as a combination of two related events: an exogenous change in the relative supplies of high- and low-risk assets and, subsequently, a classic liquidity crisis. A group of assets that had hitherto been considered low risk suddenly became viewed as high risk. The increased supply of high-risk assets pushed down their price, while the opposite occurred in the market for low-risk assets. Unsure of their counterparties’ exposure to newly-risky assets, the suppliers of liquidity then withdrew their funding. Note that we do not require any change in financial intermediaries’ risk-aversion (their risk appetite) in this story. Tightening credit standards, common to any downturn, serve only to amplify the underlying shock.

Central banks responded admirably to the liquidity crises, supplying unlimited quantities of the stuff and generally at Bagehot’s recommended “penalty rate”. In response to the first problem, and being concerned primarily with effects on the real economy, central banks initially lowered overnight interest rates, trusting markets to correspondingly reduce low-risk and, in turn, high-risk rates. When overnight rates approached zero and central banks were unwilling to permit them to become negative, they turned to QE, mostly focusing on forcing down low-risk rates (out of a concern for distorting the allocation of capital across the economy) and allowing markets to bring down high-risk rates.

Consequently, QE tightens spreads over overnight interest rates and since spreads over blew out during the crisis, this is commonly seen as a positive outcome and even a sign that the overall problem is being resolved. However, such an interpretation misses the possibility, if not the fact, that broader spreads are rational market reactions to an underlying shift in the distribution of supply. In such a case, QE cannot help but distort otherwise efficient markets, no matter what assets are purchased.

Indeed, limiting purchases to low-risk assets may serve to further distort any “mismatch” between the distributions of supply and demand. Many intermediaries operate under strict, and slow moving, institutional mandates that limit their exposure to long-term, high-risk assets. Such market participants are simply unable, even in the medium term, to participate in the portfolio rebalancing that CBs seek. The efficacy of such a strategy may therefore decline as those agents that are able to participate become increasingly saturated in their purchases of high-risk debt (and in so doing are seen as risky themselves and so unable to raise funds from the constrained agents).

Furthermore, QE in the form of open market purchases of bonds, no matter whether they are public or private, automatically implies a bias towards large corporates and away from households and small businesses that rely exclusively on bank lending for credit. Bond purchases directly lower interest rates faced by large corporates (through portfolio rebalancing), but only indirectly stimulate small businesses or households via bank funding costs. In an environment with reduced competition in banking and perceived fragility in the financial industry as a whole, funding costs may not decline in response to QE and even if they do, the decline may not be passed on to borrowers.

In any event, a direct consequence of QE at the ZLB must be a reduction in the expected profitability of the financial industry as a whole and with it, a corresponding decline in the industry’s ability to withstand negative shocks. Given this trade-off, optimal policy at the ZLB should expressly consider financial system fragility in addition to inflation and the output gap, and when the probability of a negative shock rises, the weight given to such consideration must correspondingly increase.

How, then, to stimulate the real economy? Options to mitigate such a trade-off might include permitting negative nominal interest rates, at least for institutional investors; engaging in QE but simultaneously acting to improve financial industry resilience by, for example, mandating industry-wide constraints on dividends or bonuses; or, perhaps most importantly, acting to “correct” the risk distribution of long-term assets. The first of these is not without its risks, but falls squarely within the existing remit of most central banks. The second would require coordination between monetary and regulatory policy, a task eminently suited to the Bank of England’s new role. The third requires addressing the supply shock at its source and so its implementation would presumably be legislative and regulatory.

If further QE is deemed wise, it may also be necessary to grit one’s teeth and shift purchases out to (bundles of) riskier assets, if only maximise their effect. Given the distortions that already occur with low-risk purchases, this may not be as bad as it first seems.

Active monetary research can help inform all of these options, but more broadly, should perhaps focus not just on identifying the mechanisms of monetary transmission but also consider their resilience.

For the first time since 2004q4, US household debt is less than 100% of disposable income

In today’s story of household “deleveraging” in America (okay, so this is very, very late since the data were released in August. Still … ):

2011q2 was the first time since 2004q4 that U.S. Household debt was less than 100% of Disposable Personal Income (click on the image for a less squished version):

2005q1 and 2011q1 were both at 100% exactly, or close enough.

In the period 1999q2 to 2006q3, distressed household debt averaged 4.35% and was never higher than 5.06%. Distressed household debt was at 9.86% in 2011q2, having peaked at 11.98% in 2009q4.  As the Fed’s credit conditions report highlights, that was the 6th straight quarter of improvement.  However, the quarter-to-quarter falls have been quite low:  0.04 percentage points (2009q4 to 2010q1), 0.58 p.p., 0.26 p.p., 0.31 p.p., 0.31 p.p. and 0.62 p.p. (2011q1 to 2011q2).  If we assume a continuing fall of 0.4 percentage points per quarter, it’ll take another 14 quarters – that’s 2014q4 – to return to the pre-crisis average.

Of course, a resumption of growth in consumption is not contingent on that happening (maybe we’ll see a jump in incomes for some reason – I’m looking at you, policy makers), but it’s still pretty depressing.

Crucially, too, everything here only looks at aggregate, or average, numbers and if you think the balance-sheet recession story carries any weight at all, you should be very, very interested in the distributional effects.

A simple proposal to improve fiscal policy

Payroll taxes (a.k.a. Employer’s National Insurance Contribution in the UK) should vary inversely with how long the employee had been unemployed at the time of taking the job.

Or, perhaps, there should be a straight discount on payroll taxes for an employee that was unemployed when hired, but the duration for which the discount applies should be proportional to the length of time they had been unemployed.

Either way, this should be a permanent part of the tax system – thereby providing another automatic stabiliser to fiscal policy, both in boom times and recessions.

This idea is not unique to me.

This idea is conditional on Central Bank policy not reducing the fiscal multiplier to zero.

To what extent should the media mention that somebody is from a minority?

It turns out that Tim Cook, the new CEO of Apple, is gay.

Felix Salmon suggests that this makes him the most powerful gay man on earth (an idea of which I am sceptical – surely at least one head of state among all the nations of the world has been queer at some point) and that the media ought to be celebrating this fact, or at least making mention of it:

Personally, I don’t care.  Why should I?  Fundamentally, the only relevant facts are those that inform me about his ability to do his job, and knowing whether he’s a member of ethnic group X, holds religious view Y or is turned on by Z is of no use in that regard.

In a completely post-bigotry world, those things might (or might not!) be included in a puff piece that wanted to tell you about Tim Cook, the man, as a sort of background colour (“raised a Catholic, Mary-Anne’s atheism was a source of family friction in her early adulthood, but …”), but they’d play no part in people’s opinion of him as a manager and so would never appear in a serious article about the future direction of whichever company he works for.

Salmon’s point, I believe, is that (a) we’re not in a post-bigotry world and so there is a lead-by-example case for publicising Cook’s sexuality in the same way that people discussed that Hillary Clinton is female and Barack Obama is black; and (b) even if we were, the media is going out of its way to make no mention of it even in the puff pieces, that it’s going out of its way to self-gag and so, ironically, subtly reinforcing the closet.

I dunno.  I think that stuff like this is only relevant to public discourse — even puff-piece writing — if at some point it helped shape the subject’s motivations in life.  Furthermore, I believe that for at least some queer people now, and eventually for all of them, their sexuality (will have) played absolutely no role in shaping their motivations in anything other than who to look for in a partner.

As such, I’m instinctively sceptical of a need to draw attention to it.  Not even the puffiest of puff pieces would spend time discussing people’s preferences over ice cream flavours unless the subject made a point of bringing up their obsession with chocolate-mint.

When it comes to playing a role as a societal leader, I can’t help but feel that it’s up to Mr. Cook to decide for himself.

Dani and I rewatched “Good Will Hunting” last night.  I think there’s a parallel with the kid who’s a genius.  I always get angry when Ben Affleck’s character (the well-meaning, but idiot friend) tells Matt Damon’s character (the genius) that “you don’t owe it to yourself man, you owe it to me … ‘Cause I’d do fuckin’ anything to have what you got. So would any of these fuckin’ guys. It’d be an insult to us if you’re still here in 20 years” [IMDB].  It’s Rawls’ veil of ignorance turned arse-end backwards.  It’s also complete rubbish.

I can see a moral argument for why Rawls’ veil implies that society at large should help people who drew particularly shitty numbers, but why should any one individual be required to do something just because they drew a particularly awesome number?  The whole goddamn point of Rawls’ veil is that nobody consents to it in the first place and so, as a society, we ought to not force people into the pigeon-hole that the lottery put them in.  Just because you were born into a poor family doesn’t mean you have to stay poor.   Just because you’re black doesn’t mean you have to like basketball.  Just because you have an IQ of 180 doesn’t mean you must do research.  Messers Affleck and Damon need to reread “Brave New World”.

Nobody can deny that Barrack Obama is black, but the extent to which he makes speeches to the black community declaring that they can be black, proud and successful is entirely up to him.  People working to bring about racial equality might feel he has an obligation, but he really doesn’t.

If Tim Cook wants to try to improve the acceptance of gay people in society at large, he can, but the idea of saying that he ought to just because he’s gay himself is illiberal.

The US debt-ceiling deal

There’s plenty of detail around the traps. As Tyler Cowen says, Ezra Klein has a habit of producing excellent summaries and analysis on this stuff. Here (pdf) is the CBO’s analysis.

I’m disappointed, but not surprised, at the split between cuts to “discretionary” and “mandatory” spending. I choose to hope that at their big, joint summit on the deficit it’ll mostly be entitlement reform, as Americans like to call it, and tax reform.

I’m also disappointed, but again not surprised, that the cuts are not distributed in such a way as to make them stimulative (or at least not contractionary) in the immediate term. On the other hand, as in Britain, there’s a reasonable political economy argument to be made that fiscal retrenchment, conditional on deciding that it needs to happen, must be front-loaded to minimise the PDV of political pain.

I do in principle like the grim-trigger approach to the bipartisan negotiations on phase two of the whole thing, US politics being what they are. I’m dissapointed that increased taxes aren’t in the trigger, but appreciate why they’re not. I’m not at all sure that the gutting of defense spending in the trigger is as asymmetrically bad for the GOP as the Democrats would have liked.

I very much hope that votes in the joint summit to determine phase two cuts are kept sealed (for, say, at least a presidential term).